Sávio Coelho — PRIVATIZAÇÃO: Um Modelo Conceitual.

Sávio Coelho — PRIVATIZAÇÃO: Um Modelo Conceitual.

Introdução:

O termo privatização é o maior sinônimo de maldade e o mais vil palavrão que se pode dizer a uma pessoa na América Latina. Pronunciá-lo favoravelmente é uma receita quase certa para alguma forma de ostracismo social ou acadêmico. Sua defesa durante uma corrida eleitoral pode destruir as chances de vitória de um político de forma assustadora. Falar sobre ela durante uma discussão é pedir para termos clichés como “consenso de Washington”“neoliberalismo”“alienação do capital social”“perda de direitos” e “dilapidação do patrimônio público” serem evocados. É um termo que é a encarnação simbólico-linguística de tudo que é ruim e pode ser feito por políticos de direita.

Todavia, para a raiva e decepção de muitos, ela não é nada disso. Na verdade, ela é, em muitos sentidos, o oposto disso. Tudo que sabemos sobre esse termo tão odiado, se olharmos bem, não passa de uma ilusão ideológica; muitas vezes fruto de um polilogismo tolo. A privatização, como veremos, é na realidade uma política benéfica e de amplo benefício social.

O presente artigo, portanto, é minha humilde defesa da privatização e uma explicação de seus benefícios. Mais do que explicar seu processo e defendê-la, espero mostrar que ela na verdade é uma arte a ser executada com bastante cautela pelo setor público para maximizar os benefícios sociais de políticas públicas, reduzir ineficiências, criar um ambiente econômico saudável e promover o desenvolvimento de uma nação. Espero, sobretudo, desmistificar esse tema sombrio para a maioria das pessoas, especialmente meus conterrâneos, e mostrar que esse termo tão odiado pode na verdade ser um grande aliado da sociedade civil. O presente artigo se dividirá em um processo de explicação para facilitar a compreensão de vocês leitores. Irei primeiro fazer uma explicação acerca do que é realmente a privatização,depois farei um quadro conceitual acerca de como funcionaria uma privatização de vários setores sociais e, por fim, falarei dos obstáculos políticos e sociológicos de uma privatização. Enfim, espero que aproveitem.

I. Privatização e Micropolítica:

Creio que o ponto correto de partida para nosso estudo é definir o que exatamente é privatização.

Segundo a definição wikipediana, privatização “ é o processo de venda de uma empresa ou instituição do setor público — que integra o patrimônio do Estado — para o setor privado, geralmente por meio de leilões públicos”. Essa definição está correta em seu sentido técnico, pois realmente esse é o processo real de uma privatização. Todavia, ao meus olhos, ela é seriamente simplista e incompleto. Uma explicação mais sólida é, portanto, necessária.

A privatização, em verdade, é um produto de um método de análise e formulação de políticas públicas chamada micropolítica. De forma resumida, a micropolítica é para a política convencional o que a microeconomia é para a macroeconomia. Isto é, ela reconhece que os focos de estudos das políticas públicas devem ser os casos individuais locais que formam uma escala maior ao se organizarem com outros casos em uma ordem extensa.

A micropolítica consiste na busca de identificar as necessidades e aspirações de grupos de interesses e, partindo do pressuposto de que os indivíduos buscam atingir seus interesses sejam quais forem(o que podemos definir vulgarmente como uma maximização de utilidade), usa a liberdade de escolha dos indivíduos para fazer alterações no status quo vigente com foco em produzir uma nova ordem social.

Sua origem está na constatação de certos grupos liberais e conservadores anglo-saxões de que representantes eleitos com propostas de liberalização e de fortalecimento das liberdades individuais tendem a falhar em implementar suas agendas uma vez no poder. A frequência com que isso ocorria e tem ocorrido com políticos de centro-direita nos últimos tempos, nos permite concluir que existe uma situação corrente onde os incentivos agindo sobre os legisladores e burocratas são fortes o suficiente para desviá-los do idealizado interesse público ou mesmo do interesse ideológico. Esse fenômeno será importante na nossa discussão acerca dos aspectos sociopolíticos da privatização, todavia será tratado somente mais a frente.

Esse problema de desvio dos políticos do interesse público idealizado sobretudo pela Escola Democrata Deliberativa criam as chamadas falhas de governo. O objetivo central da micropolítica é a identificação dessas falhas em níveis locais e individuais e criar políticas públicas no sentido de superar essas falhas em longo prazo. A privatização é uma das realizações feitas nesse sentido de superação, uma vez que evita que as falhas de governo se concretizem passando certas funções do setor público para o setor privado no sentido de usar a competição de mercado para diluir os efeitos malignos desses incentivos, diminuir o poder político sobre certas atividades e aumentar a eficiência em atingir certas metas de política social.

Todavia, isso não significa que a privatização seja um remédio miraculoso que possa resolver todo e qualquer problema. Políticas de liberalização radical, como já nos alertava Adam Smith ao criticar o radicalismo liberal dos fisiocratas francesas, sempre tendem a se degenerar em caos derivado de um construtivismo racionalista em nome de mais liberdade. Uma política de liberalização radical de curto prazo pode ter certos efeitos nocivos e potencialmente danosos, como destruição da capacidade produtiva interna, alienação social, radicalização política, desequilíbrio cambial, aumento do desemprego, etc.

Por isso nenhum economista recomendaria uma privatização radical de curto prazo e uma redução a um Estado Mínimo. A experiência russa de privatização, com os ativos estatais sendo vendidos a preços de banana a grupos pré-selecionados de oligarcas da antiga nomenklatura, mostrou ao mundo que todo processo de privatização deve ser feito com prudência; sempre dando importância para uma solidez e participação das instituições, transparência perante a sociedade, avaliação criteriosa dos setores que serão privatizados e controle dos interesses corporativos envolvidos no processo.

Por isso que a crítica que se faz de que os defensores da privatização são apologistas radicais do Estado Mínimo não faz sentido algum. Ela não passa de um weasel word usado por desenvolvimentistas e marxistas para chupar todo significado do termo privatização com base em pressupostos puramente ideológicos. Como nos lembra o professor da FGV Pedro Cavalcanti Ferreira, essa defesa do Estado Mínimo nunca foi feita por nenhum defensor das privatizações em território nacional, pro exemplo, uma vez que todos sempre defendiam que o Estado se mantivesse o provedor de vários serviços sociais básicos; como educação, saúde e infraestrutura básica. Como ele coloca:

“Ora, se a defesa incondicional do Estado mínimo é algo que não faz sentido dentro da teoria econômica ortodoxa, se é um mito, por que utilizá-la como argumento? Simples, por manipulação ideológica e recurso de retórica. Porque aqueles que tem interesse em um capitalismo de Estado perceberam que é mais fácil criar um inimigo socialmente insensível e politicamente fraco que defender seus reais motivos.

[…]

Setores tipicamente de esquerda que atacam como impatriótica ou antissocial qualquer questionamento à atividade do governo ou das estatais se vestem de grandes defensores do interesse nacional, mas sempre acabam servindo a interesses particulares. São instrumentos, inocentes ou não, para a manipulação de um estado de coisas onde os grandes perdedores não são os supostos mas inexistentes defensores do Estado mínimo, mas a população brasileira como um todo, que assiste sem participar, ou recebendo migalhas, da grande festa patrimonialista brasileira que se perpetua há 500 anos”

II. Esquema Conceitual de um Programa de Privatização:

Portanto, o programa de privatização se insere no objetivo mais geral de reforma do setor público, de modo a fazer com que o estado retorne a seu papel constitucionalmente limitado; seja de fornecedor de certos bens públicos ou não.

O programa gira em torno da ideia de que se deve desenvolver e implementar formas de se reestruturar, desativar ou transferir ao setor privado privado empresas cujo controle já não se justifica mais ficar nas mãos do Estado. Esse deve retirar-se dos setores que possam ser desenvolvidos com eficácia em regime de competição e liberdade de iniciativa, mantendo para si apenas aqueles que são considerados “monopólios naturais”; e mesmo esses devem ser submetidos a regras de administração privada para a gestão de seus recursos.

Como resultado desse programa teremos uma recuperação de investimentos e recursos realizados nas empresas a serem privatizadas, que poderão ser canalizados a setores carentes, procurando-se aumentar a eficiência alocacional de recursos do Estado e, por indução, do próprio setor privado. O objetivo final com isso consiste em tornar possível um crescimento econômico auto-sustentado, orientado para um equilíbrio entre eficiência em termos de política pública e fiscal.

A etapa mais importante, e cerne desse ponto do artigo, é a formulação do modelo de privatização a ser adotado, ou seja, a determinação do objeto da alienação, quais as condições necessárias para que a operação se concretize e como se dará o processo de venda. Claro, o modelo de privatização a ser adotado dependerá essencialmente das características da empresa a ser alienada, do seu grau de atratividade e risco e das expectativas dos investidores quanto a isso.

Primeiro vamos trabalhar com o modelo de transferência de todas as ações de capital. Essa é uma situação na qual, de uma vez só, aliena-se a um ou mais grupos privados todas as ações detidas pelo Estado. Geralmente esse modelo é usado para a privatização de empresas de pequeno porte ou de atividade muito específica onde há grupos privados com capital suficiente para comprar a totalidade das ações.

Um modelo parecido é o modelo de transferência de partes de capital votante. Nesse o fato que determina para um acionista o controle administrativo, financeiro e tecnológico de uma empresa é a detenção de ações ordinárias com direito a voto em quantidade majoritária em relação aos demais acionistas. Podemos ter diversas composições da distribuição do capital social de uma empresa, havendo duas situações extremas:

— Capital social composto exclusivamente por ações com direito a voto;
—  Capital social composto por 1/3 de ações com direito a voto e 2/3 de ações sem direito a voto.

Dessa forma, a aquisição do controle acionário poderá resultar na compra de 51% do capital social total, na primeira situação, e de 17% do capital social total(51% de 33%) na segunda situação.

Um outro modelo é o de transferência de controle. Nesse modelo os administradores da empresa objeto de venda se transformam nos novos acionistas controladores, podendo ou não destinar parte das ações para os funcionários ou membros de sindicatos. Geralmente esse modelo está associado a situações de crise financeira da empresa objeto de venda, uma vez que muitas vez exigem o uso da cláusula de continuidade contábil para reter capital societário de acionistas ou quotistas ou uso para forçar nova injeção de capital por parte de sócios na firma.

Um modelo pouco convencional, embora existente, é o de privatização de gestão. Nele geralmente ocorre uma situação em que a transferência do controle acionário se torna impossível. Nesse caso, para se manter padrões de eficiência na gerência dos recursos, pode ser recomendada uma privatização da gestão como meio de atingir maior nível de eficiência, recuperando a função econômica de um determinado estoque de capital inativo, ineficiente ou gerador de prejuízo. Na privatização de gestão o que se busca não é a capacitação financeira, mas sim gerencial. O resultado final poderá ser a recuperação da capacidade de investimento do próprio Estado, na medida em que se estancam perdas de recursos escassos e viabiliza-se o realismo tarifário, dado o padrão da prestação de serviços e a suposta satisfação do consumidor dos serviços e dos pagadores de impostos.

O último modelo, e o mais comum, é o de abertura de capital. Ele, em tese, é o processo mais saudável. O comprometimento da administração com resultados, face à existência de acionistas minoritários e á necessidade do fornecimento regular de informações ao público e órgãos reguladores, constitui fatores benéficos à gestão empresarial. Trata-se de uma privatização gradual, uma vez que não há, em curto prazo, transferência do controle acionário. Todavia, uma vez realizada a abertura de capital, desenvolvido o mercado de suas ações, consolidadas as mudanças estratégicas de gestão e organização, criam-se as condições necessárias para alienação futura do controle acionário por meio dos mercados de ações nacionais e internacionais.

Um outro modelo que poderia ser adotado, mas que não é propriamente uma privatização, é o modelo de Parceria Público-Privada. Trata-se de uma modalidade contratual do tipo concessão, em que o serviço que está sendo ofertado pelo parceiro privado será em parte custeado pelo setor público, em parte custeado por tarifas. Três casos justificam a complementação pelo setor público. O primeiro caso é aquele no qual o serviço ofertado gera ganhos sociais maiores do que o benefício privado. O segundo é quando o investimento requer uma injeção de capital pesadíssimo e de alto risco; como pesquisa pioneira em ciência e tecnologia. E, por fim, a complementação pode ser justificada por razões pragmáticas de fins políticos; apesar de essa ser amplamente condenável do ponto de vista econômico e ético.

III. Triângulos de Ferro e Privatização:

Mas, apesar de suas vantagens em termos de eficiência e a multiplicidade de opções de escolha em termos de modelo de aplicação, a privatização ainda assim é rejeitada. Mesmo quando a ineficiência do setor público se torna uma verdade auto-evidente, ainda assim existe uma inflexão da sociedade e do sistema político em adotar a privatização. Mesmo em um país com histórico gritante de corrupção e ineficiência pública, por exemplo, a população ainda assim é inflexível para com reformas liberalizantes. Veja o caso da Petrobras, por exemplo, onde, mesmo após ficar claro de maneira vergonhosa para a nação a corrupção que havia e há dentro da empresaa população ainda assim se mostra contra sua privatização. Ou veja o caso dos Correios, onde, mesmo com a população se mostrando insatisfeita com o serviço prestadoexiste um grandioso lobby dos funcionários internos e de políticos para barrar sua privatização.

O caso da população se colocando contra a privatização e votando em políticos contrários a privatização de empresas e funções estatais é relativamente fácil de explicar. O economista norte-americano Bryan Caplan, em seu livro “The Myth of Rational Voter”, e o filósofo Jason Brennan, em seu livro “Aganist Democracy”, chamam esse problema de mito do eleitor racional( que é inclusive o título do livro de Caplan). Segundo eles, os eleitores não são pessoas razoáveis nas quais poderíamos lançar esperanças de que lançariam de forma prudente seus votos nas urnas. Em verdade, eles sofrem de um bom número de viesses irracionais, pois eles sabem que o custo de políticas governamentais não cairá focalizado neles, mas sim que será espalhado por toda a população. Caplan coloca o clássico exemplo de eleitores votando por políticas públicas que todo economista( ou pelo menos a maioria) sabe que dá errado. Eleitores, em geral, odeiam desemprego, então eles votam em subsídios para seus respectivos setores como forma de se proteger, mas comumente esquecem que melhorias tecnológicas e incrementos de produtividade significam que essa mesma mão de obra protegida seria melhor empregada em outro lugar. Os eleitores não possuem a visão dos economistas para analisar aquilo que se vê e aquilo que não se vê. Na esmagadora maioria dos casos eles sempre apoiam o manifesto de fabricantes de velas contra o sol, fazendo com que eles apoiem, inocentemente ou não, políticas de favorecimento de grupos empresariais selecionados e amigos do rei. Também é bom notar que os sistemas eleitorais, como ressalta o economista Robin Hanson e Jason Brennan, são permeados pro problemas de informação; como alto custo de informação para basear voto e assimetrias informativas acerca das reais intenções dos candidatos e do funcionamento de políticas públicas, processos jurídicos e econômicos; que seriam facilmente solucionados em um ambiente competitivo de mercado; o que é irônico, pois o Estado surge justamente para eliminar custos de informação. Um eleitor teria que gastar quantidades absurdas de tempo e recursos em termos de custo de oportunidade para se tornar um eleitor 100% consciente acerca do que permeia uma eleição em termos jurídicos, sociais, políticos e econômicos. E, em verdade e como mostra Anthony Downs, mesmo se eles tivessem informação perfeita e fossem 100% racionais dentro do processo de votação, ainda assim haveria o problema de que, em termos reais proporcionais, o voto individual de um eleitor não tem muitas chances de mudar o resultado final de uma eleição.

Como devemos ver, certamente é verdade que as decisões do governo podem ser distorcidas por causa do sistema eleitoral, pelo autointeresse dos políticos e burocratas ou por grupos de pressão política minoritários que dominam o debate público. Mas, mesmo se o sistema eleitoral eficientemente reflita a opinião pública, e mesmo se os políticos e burocratas fielmente cumpram o desejo público, a ação resultante do público ainda assim poderia ser irracional, simplesmente porque os eleitores são irracionais. Políticos e oficiais podem muito bem saber o que funciona e o que deve ser feito, mas ainda assim podem se encontrar servindo ao viés irracional dos eleitores e fazendo coisas que eles sabem ser ineficazes ou contraproducentes.

Mas esse caso colocado por Caplan e Brennan só explica metade do problema. Como é bastante perceptível, algumas vezes as pessoas votam em políticos cuja agenda política envolve reformas liberalizantes e privatizações(em todas as vezes votam não por essa razão, mas sim por questões morais ou por esses serem populistas liberais e conservadores que vão cortar impostos e exaltar a nação com uma volta a seu fantasioso passado moralista), como foi o caso de Ronald Reagan e Margaret Thatcher, mas esses mesmos políticos geralmente tendem a falhar na condução de suas políticas liberais, muitas vezes atendendo a interesses secundários ao invés das pautas centrais de suas agendas.

Muitas vezes políticos que, a priori da eleição, defendem um amplo programa liberal se tornam os mais veementes defensores do status quo estatista ao subirem ao poder. No momento anterior da eleição fazem elegantes discursos em nome de Adam Smith e F.A Hayek, mas quando chegam ao poder sempre vão para a cama com Lorde Keynes. Isso em grande parte tem relação com o fenômeno dos grupos de interesse dentro do governo.

Há muito tempo, sobretudo nos últimos anos aqui no Brasil, tem ficado óbvio que grupos de interesse; grandes corporações, movimentos sociais, sindicatos, etc; fazem campanhas ferozes em busca de seus interesses. O cientista político e economista norte americano Mancur Olson, em seu livro “Lógica da Ação Coletiva”, estuda isso a fundo.

Segundo ele, os membros de grupos de interesse irão buscar proteger e promover seus interesses comuns. Eles irão buscar se organizar politicamente em prol desse forte incentivo. O economista austríaco Ludwig von Misespercebeu algo semelhante ao analisar o problema do conflito de interesses em seu artigo “The Clash of Group Interests”. Segundo Mises:

“Esta é a primeira pergunta a que precisamos responder: quem são os membros dos grupos cujos conflitos estamos discutindo?

Em um sistema de castas a resposta é óbvia. A sociedade divide-se em castas rígidas. As castas concedem certos privilégios aos seus membros ou determinadas restrições. Um homem que pertence a uma casta por razões familiares continuará a viver nessa casta ao longo da vida, assim como seus filhos. Seu destino tem ligação indissolúvel com sua casta. Não existe expectativa de melhoria das condições de sua vida, a não ser que as circunstâncias de sua casta ou de sua classe social melhorem.

Nesse contexto, existe uma solidariedade de interesse entre todos os membros de uma casta e um conflito de interesses entre diversas castas. As castas privilegiadas querem conquistar novos privilégios e manter os antigos. Por sua vez, as castas menos favorecidas esforçam-se para eliminar suas restrições. Em uma sociedade de castas existe antagonismo irreconciliável entre os interesses das várias castas.

Assim, os grupos de interesse (ou castas na linguagem de Mises) têm muito a ganhar (ou perder) quando decisões coletivas são tomadas a favor, ou contra eles. E, uma vez que eles são pequenos e homogeneizados pelos interesses base, é relativamente fácil eles se organizarem de maneira eficiente.

O contrário é verdadeiro para os grupos grandes, tais como consumidores ou pagadores de impostos. Eles têm pouco incentivo para empenhar suas energias em fazer campanha, uma vez que são numerosos e o impacto das decisões coletivas em cada indivíduo é largamente disperso e, portanto, pequeno. Sendo muito heterogêneos em seus interesses base, eles também tem dificuldades em se organizar de maneira eficiente e, em todo caso, muitas pessoas podem perceber que fariam pouca diferença ao se juntar em esforço conjunto de lobby.

Geralmente esses grupos são interdependentes mesmo tendo esses interesses divergentes. Isso ocorre porque grupos bem intencionados, por exemplo, podem querer um objetivo X que, em verdade, pode ter o efeito de beneficiar apenas um restrito grupo de pessoas com interesses especiais. Isso é o que se chama de efeito Batistas & Contrabandistas, onde grupos de pressão bem intencionados, ao tentar passar uma lei ou regulação, podem em realidade estar beneficiando apenas outro grupo de indivíduos com interesses propriamente materiais. Um caso semelhante, e que ocorre bastante, é o de políticas governamentais que beneficiam um setor em curto prazo, mas em longo sempre se mostram desastrosas. Milton Friedman, em sua crítica ao fracasso dos governos Thatcher e Reagan em avançar reformas essenciais no livro “Tirania do Status Quo”, fala acerca disso de maneira bem didática. Segundo Friedman:

“No caso típico de um programa de governo, as pessoas que inicialmente recebem seus benefícios não são tipicamente as que, no momento, seriam prejudicadas pela eliminação desse programa. Um grupo beneficia-se quando o programa é instituído e um grupo diferente é prejudicado quando o mesmo é suspenso. Vejamos o caso de uma tarifa. Quando ela é instituída, beneficiam-se os indivíduos que produzem o bem por ela protegido. Dispõem de um mercado protegido para seus bens e podem cobrar preços mais altos. Os proprietários e trabalhadores das empresas existentes ficam em melhor condição do que anteriormente. Posteriormente, a sua prosperidade encorajará outras pessoas a produzir o mesmo bem. À medida que outros ingressam na indústria, os retornos são rebaixados ao nível em que se encontravam antes. O resultado é que maior número de pessoas participam da mesma indústria, todas elas auferindo aproximadamente a mesma renda que recebiam antes, quando empregadas em outras indústrias. Quando a tarifa é eliminada, os proprietários tem que aceitar um preço mais baixo pelo produto que vendem. Ocorrendo prejuízos, algumas companhias abandonam a indústria. Pouco depois, todos estarão mais ou menos de volta ao ponto em que se encontravam antes. Os ganhos couberam às primeiras pessoas na indústria, os prejuízos foram suportados pelos que ingressaram depois.”

Mises, em “The Clash of Group Interests”, também trata desse mesmo problema que Friedman sob a perspectiva do conflito de interesses. Segundo Mises:

“Ninguém seria tolo de contestar o fato de que um privilégio concedido a um grupo definido de pessoas pode favorecer os interesses em curto prazo desse grupo, em detrimento do restante da nação. Um imposto na importação de trigo aumenta seu preço no mercado interno e, por esse motivo, aumenta a receita dos agricultores.

Mas é improvável que a grande maioria dos consumidores aceite esse aumento por muito tempo, porque beneficia apenas os produtores de trigo e aqueles que lhe fornecem fatores de produção. Os consumidores tentariam passar por cima desse imposto ou tentariam garantir proteções semelhantes, que lhes dessem um resultado proveitoso. Quando todos os grupos usufruem de privilégios, só os que têm privilégios maiores do que os outros grupos se beneficiam dessas vantagens. Com privilégios iguais para todos os grupos, o benefício que uma pessoa usufrui como produtor/vendedor é absorvido pelos preços mais elevados que precisa pagar como consumidor e comprador.

No entanto, todos perdem porque os impostos desviam a produção de lugares que oferecem condições mais favoráveis e privilegiam locais com piores condições, o que reduz a receita da nação. Os interesses de curto prazo de um grupo podem se beneficiar de um privilégio em detrimento de várias outras pessoas. Os interesses de longo prazo, que são os que realmente importam, só podem ser atingidos na ausência de privilégios”

Esse mesmo conflito de interesses entre diferentes grupos de interesses e efeitos interdependentes de políticas de lobby pode ser, também, a causa muitas vezes do próprio crescimento do Estado. Como coloca o economista americano Robert Higgs em “ Delusions of Power” , esse conflito de interesses entre diferentes grupos de lobby pode acabar criando uma ligação retroalimentativa e indestrutível entre o Estado(políticos e burocratas) e os grupos de lobby. Os políticos se favorecem dos grupos de lobby fazendo propaganda para eles e do apoio financeiro dado, assim convergem sua ação política no sentido de defender os interesses desses grupos. Um político que queira subir no poder deve, para isso, conquistar o favor dos outros políticos, porém esses só irão apoiar sua ascensão se esse se curvar para os interesses dos grupos que esses políticos representam. E, uma vez que cada privilégio concedido em nome desses interesses provoca a reação de outro grupo de interesse no sentido da defesa de seus objetivos, ou o político em ascensão cede em parte a esses novos interesses para agradar a oposição ou aumenta os privilégios já dados aos grupos que lhe apoiam no sentido de fortalecer sua base de apoio político. Assim, mesmo que se coloque um político reformista dentro do Estado ele sempre terá que se curvar aos Triângulos de Ferro(burocracia — políticos — grupos de interesse) se quiser governar e subir em sua carreira. Afinal, não é Kant que governa o mundo político, mas sim Maquiavel.

Poderia se argumentar que isso é culpa unicamente das empresas e que os políticos são apenas os “bons selvagens” corrompidos pelo dinheiro dos grupos de lobby. Isso é fácil de pensar quando vemos no noticiário as cifras pagas por lobistas para políticos em escândalos de corrupção. Todavia, além de isso cair na falácia de que os políticos são crianças ingênuas ou que são forçados a aceitar esse dinheiro por falta de escolha, ela cai no problema do Paradoxo de Tullock. O objetivo desse conceito, criado pelo grande economista norte-americano Gordon Tullock, é indagar por que essas atividades envolvem, em verdade, tão pouco dinheiro, dada a dimensão do prêmio. O paradoxo poder ser visto no seguinte exemplo: No auge da crise financeira mundial, em 2008, os gastos do governo dos Estados Unidos, por exemplo, foi de 5 trilhões de dólares. Se subtrairmos as pensões e o pagamento de juros, cuja distribuição não é variável, restam 4 trilhões de dólares, os quais o partido governista consegue controlar por pelo menos dois anos, trazendo o total de 8 trilhões de dólares. Se imaginarmos o sistema político como uma grande loteria, com os candidatos comprando bilhetes sob a forma de gastos de campanha, seria de esperar que o montante pago pelos bilhetes fosse maior que o tamanho do prêmio; caso contrário, um único indivíduo consideraria vantajoso comprar todos os bilhetes, ganhar com certeza e ainda ter um belo lucro. O problema é que o total gasto com as campanhas eleitorais não chega nem perto do tamanho do prêmio. Em 2008, por exemplo, a soma do dinheiro gasto nas campanhas para a presidência, Senado e Congresso dos Estados Unidos, foi de 5,3 bilhões de dólares. Esse é o incentivo dos políticos a quererem se aliar a grupos de lobby, no fim das contas. Um gasto de 5,3 bilhões dos grupos lobistas permitiu que esse indivíduo tivesse acesso a 8 trilhões de dólares e a poder quase ilimitado sobre ele para, unicamente, assinar papeis, barrar e fazer leis em troca do favor feito pelos grupos de interesse que lhe apoiaram.

Nós, apoiadores da privatização, temos que ter isso em mente ao formular nossa ação política. Nós temos que entender que haverá um problema com eleitores irracionais votando contra nosso projeto e de grupos de interesse tentando barrar ou degenerar nosso projeto. Se não tivermos isso em mente perderemos a causa ou, pior, nosso projeto será degenerado por políticos agindo sob comando dos triângulos de ferro e a privatização em fim de contas virará apenas um projeto de oligopolização ou transferência de monopólio do Estado para um grupo privado; como aconteceu na Rússia e nas privatização da Era FHC, onde a hiperregulação produziu verdadeiros oligopólios. Friedman dizia que existe uma Lei Inercial da Burocracia, onde os burocratas tendem a ficar incompetentes e a perpetuar a ineficiência pelos órgãos estatais. Segundo ele, uma empresa estatal tende sempre a falhar por isso, uma vez que, ao contrário da privada, dificilmente aprende com seus erros e realiza mudanças em prol de melhorias devido à inflexibilidade das burocracias internas. Muitos podem achar que Friedman estava exagerando, mas, como nos lembra James Bovard; jornalista americano que passou a vida pesquisando sobre lobby e falhas de governo; de fato, como acreditava Friedman, dificilmente as burocracias e os políticos aprendem com seus erros. Nosso dever, nesse sentido, é usar da micropolítica para identificar esses problemas e fazemos nós mesmos nosso grupo de pressão política para tentarreverter isso.

Companhia Inglesa das Índias Orientais, um dos maiores lobbys da história da humanidade.

IV. Sofismas e Barreiras Políticas à Privatização:

Para formamos nosso grupo de pressão creio que seja necessário fazer com que a opinião pública fique a nosso favor. Afinal, as concepções errôneas acerca da privatização são a maior e mais forte barreira política ao projeto. Então, creio que seja benéfico eu desmontar certos sofismas que permeiam o debate. Creio que seja hora de ferir um pouco o status quo.

O primeiro sofisma a ser desmontado é a ideia de que a privatização não deve ser feita por causa de uma falta de um número suficiente de empresas no mercado para assegurar a concorrência. A implicação desse pensamento é de que apenas umas poucas empresas se qualificam ou estão efetivamente dispostas a participar, resultando em uma situação oligopolista a posteriori da privatização que justifica a manutenção do controle estatal sob o serviço ou empresa.

A primeira falha dessa hipótese é em relação à ideia de que o monopólio público permanente é melhor do que um monopólio privado temporário. Numerosos estudos já mataram a velha ideia ingênua de que os burocratas são mais altruísticos ou esclarecidos do que empresários. E, pelo fato de o monopólio público ser geralmente permanente, os consumidores não tem ao que recorrer quando os serviços prestados são dispendiosos ou de péssima qualidade. A transferência quebra desse monopólio público por meio da venda para algumas companhias privadas, sob condições institucionais que permitam a concorrência, pelo menos oferece aos consumidores possibilidade de melhorias, na medida em que novas empresas são atraídas para o setor pelos super lucros das empresas que entraram inicialmente no setor. Em verdade o efeito positivo pode ser ainda maior do que isso, pois:

— Empregados do órgão privatizado podem formar uma companhiapara prestar os mesmos serviços ou fornecer as mesmas mercadorias com os conhecimentos adquiridos durante seu serviço dentro da empresa; o que lhes dá vantagem comparativa mesmo em relação a grandes companhias;

— Companhias de ramos correlatos podem se sentir atraídas pela oportunidade de diversificação em uma nova área;

— Muitos serviços públicos de mão de obra intensiva são atividades ideais para empresários individuais interessados em criar um novo negócio, modalidade essa onde sempre se oferecem amplas oportunidades de ganhos individuais e coletivos.

Outro sofisma muito famoso é o de que um serviço ou empresa não podem ser privatizados pois são monopólios naturais. Com relação a ela, é oportuno que se façam duas perguntas relevantes sobre essa asserção. A primeira é nos perguntarmos: a referida empresa ou serviço em questão são realmente monopólios naturais? E segunda: mesmo que sejam, a propriedade pública é a melhor opção?

Na maioria dos casos, os prestadores existentes dos serviços em questão afirmam que seus ramos são naturalmente monopólios ou oligopólios a fim de impedirem a entrada de concorrentes. Durante décadas, essa alegação deu apoio a regulação do tipo utilidade pública para setores como siderurgia, iluminação pública, ferrovias, construção de estradas, linhas de ônibus e petroquímica. Todavia, toda vez que ocorria uma desregulação havia “magicamente” um aparecimento de concorrentes que, em teoria, não deveriam existir. É preciso ter certa desconfiança em relação às alegações de que uma determinada empresa ou serviço é um monopólio natural. Mesmo onde há consenso político de que uma dada utilidade deva ser protegida através de monopólio, não há justificativa convincente de que a propriedade estatal deva ser a forma preferida. Os serviços de telefonia nos Estados Unidos foram sempre considerados os melhores do mundomas até 1990 eles eram operados por um oligopólio da AT&T, Comcast e Time Warner Cable(atual Spectrum). A eletricidade nos Estados Unidos e o fornecimento de água na França sempre foram administrados por empresas privadas. E, como nos lembra Ronald Coasemesmo a luz pública na Grã-Bretanha vitoriana era fornecida por empresas privadas. A meu ver, a possibilidade de competição privada em um setor é um garantia melhor de defesa dos interesses dos consumidores do que o monopólio garantido de uma burocracia do setor público, uma vez que já temos conhecimento acerca do abismo na diferença entre a eficiência do setor privado e do setor público em termos de custos, gerenciamento de recursos, inovação e atendimento.

Outro sofisma bastante difundido é de que um determinado serviço deve ser garantido pelo Estado a fim de que os pobres tenham acesso a ele. Essa é a ideia que embasa as justificativas para o Estado prover serviços públicos “gratuitos” ao redor do mundo, no qual o custo é pesadamente subsidiado. Ironicamente, como mostra o sociólogo americano Charles Murray em “Losing Ground”, essas políticas podem ser efetivamente prejudiciais para os pobres. Um sistema de transportes pesadamente subsidiado, por exemplo, consegue, de fato, manter as tarifas a níveis mais baixos. Mas há diversas outras consequências decorrentes desse subsídio: uma falta de consciência dos custos por parte dos gerentes, manutenção de linhas com pequeno número de usuários, tolerância de escalas salariais acima da média do mercado e políticas de trabalho ineficientes. Os pobres são os mais afetados por isso, pois dependem sobremaneira dos transportes públicos. Além disso, embora os pobres recebam os maiores benefícios do subsídio, pagam, por seu turno, muitos dos impostos cobrados para fornecer as subvenções. Fora isso, ainda há o problema dos enormes desperdícios envolvidos na subvenção em relação a muitos usuários, que não são pobres e que teriam facilmente condições de pagar um valor no mercado normal.

Uma maneira de se evitar isso e garantir que os pobres não sejam lesados a curto prazo pelas privatizações é garantir os famosos subsídios do lado do usuário. Ou seja, um fornecimento de subsídio apenas para os muito pobres enquanto os outros passageiros pagam o preço normal. Assim, o serviço pode funcionar como um empreendimento comercial normal e dar as garantias aos mais pobres. Esse mecanismo funciona normalmente por meio de vouchers. O Estado pode fornecer vouchers para transporte, saúde, habitação, escola e etc com cada um sendo resgatável apenas para o serviço a que é designado. Isso pode resolver o problema do acesso dos pobres e ainda permitir que a competição de mercado e a administração privada aumentem a eficiência do serviço e diminuam custos e preços.

Por fim temos o clássico sofisma de que os serviços e empresas públicos tem por finalidade causas sociais e não o lucro. Essa objeção é puramente emocional e ideológica, não tendo aplicação na realidade. Toda pessoa com um cérebro funcionando sabe que as pessoas exercem um comércio ou profissão com o propósito de lucrar algo com seus investimentos. O elemento que separa as economias produtivas das estagnadas é a presença ou não de motivação humana para devotar seus talentos da maneira mais eficiente a fim de atender às verdadeiras necessidades das outras pessoas. É esse precisamente o propósito da iniciativa empresarial, segundo a economia e o direito. O desejo de lucro é o que motiva os empresários a buscarem servir seus consumidores da maneira mais eficiente e criativa possível para vencer seus concorrentes na luta pela evolução e sobrevivência do mais competente em se adaptar as circunstâncias gerais do ambiente inserido.

Bibliografia:
— “A Privatização no Brasil”, Armando Castelar Pinheiro.
— “Privatização: fins públicos, meios privados”, John D. Donahue.

A Dama de Ferro durante privatização de uma siderúrgica.

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